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Richard N. Goodwin

Richard N. Goodwin


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Richard Goodwin nació en Boston el 7 de diciembre de 1931. Se graduó de la Universidad de Tufts en 1953. Luego pasó a estudiar derecho en la Universidad de Harvard.

Goodwin se unió al Colegio de Abogados del Estado de Massachusetts en 1958. Trabajó para Felix Frankfurter antes de ser nombrado asesor especial del Subcomité de Supervisión Legislativa de la Cámara de Representantes de los Estados Unidos.

En 1959, John F. Kennedy nombró a Goodwin como miembro de su equipo de redacción de discursos. Al año siguiente, se convirtió en el asistente del abogado especial de Kennedy. Goodwin también fue miembro del Grupo de Trabajo de Kennedy sobre Asuntos Latinoamericanos y en 1961 fue nombrado Subsecretario de Estado Adjunto para Asuntos Interamericanos, cargo que ocupó hasta 1963. Como uno de los especialistas de Kennedy en asuntos latinoamericanos, Goodwin ayudó desarrollar la Alianza para el Progreso, un programa de desarrollo económico para América Latina. Goodwin también se desempeñó como secretario general del International Peace Corps.

Después de la muerte de Kennedy, Goodwin se unió al personal del presidente Lyndon B. Johnson, donde trabajó como redactor de discursos y asesor. Goodwin renunció en 1965 y se convirtió en miembro del Centro de Estudios Avanzados de la Universidad Wesleyan en Middletown, Connecticut y profesor visitante de asuntos públicos en el Instituto de Tecnología de Massachusetts.

Goodwin continuó involucrado en política y escribió discursos para los candidatos presidenciales Robert Kennedy, Eugene McCarthy y Edmund Muskie. También escribió para varias revistas, entre ellas El neoyorquino y Piedra rodante. También publicó Los Fitzgerald y los Kennedy (1986) y Remembering America (1988).

En marzo de 2001, Goodwin era miembro de una delegación de Estados Unidos que visitó el lugar de la batalla de Bahía de Cochinos. El partido incluía a Arthur Schlesinger (historiador), Robert Reynolds (el jefe de la estación de la CIA en Miami durante la invasión), Jean Kennedy Smith (hermana de John F. Kennedy), Alfredo Duran (veterano de Bahía de Cochinos) y Wayne S. Smith ( Secretario Ejecutivo de su Grupo de Trabajo Latinoamericano).

Richard N. Goodwin, quien escribió discursos para Kennedy durante la campaña de 1960 y lo acompañó a la Casa Blanca, describió a Robert Kennedy como "completamente el hombre de su hermano. Era un tipo cuyo propósito básico en la vida era avanzar y proteger la carrera de John". Kennedy ". En una entrevista para este libro en 1997, Goodwin recordó una reunión entre el presidente y un grupo de senadores del sur en el balcón de la Casa Blanca. Uno de los senadores "se inclinó hacia adelante y dijo: 'Bueno, señor presidente, me temo que voy a tener que atacarlo por sus derechos civiles: y Kennedy dice:' ¿No puede atacar a Bobby en su lugar? ' Bobby desempeñó ese papel ", explicó Goodwin. El Kennedy más joven "siempre reflejaba los sentimientos de su hermano"

Goodwin también estuvo presente en una reunión de la Casa Blanca después de Bahía de Cochinos cuando Bobby arremetió contra un alto funcionario del Departamento de Estado que, después del hecho, le había dicho a un periodista que se oponía a la invasión. "Vi a Bobby simplemente arremeter contra él", recordó Goodwin. "No puedes socavar a mi hermano". Y John Kennedy simplemente se sentó allí en silencio, nunca dijo una palabra en todo momento. Pero no tengo ninguna duda de que Bobby estaba reflejando las conversaciones que tenían los dos.

El presidente Fidel Castro se sentó junto a ex agentes de la CIA, asesores del presidente Kennedy y miembros del equipo de exiliados que atacó a su país hace cuatro décadas cuando ex adversarios se reunieron el jueves para examinar el desastroso desembarco de Bahía de Cochinos.

Vestido con su tradicional uniforme verde oliva, Castro leyó con diversión viejos documentos estadounidenses sobre la invasión de Cuba en 1961 por exiliados entrenados por la CIA, que ayudaron a moldear cuatro décadas de política entre Estados Unidos y Cuba. Algunos de los documentos eran análisis de un Castro joven y carismático.

Castro llegó por la mañana cuando los protagonistas se sentaron para iniciar una conferencia de tres días sobre la invasión. Los participantes en la reunión, que fue clausurada por los medios, dijeron que todavía estaba allí por la noche.

El presidente cubano saludó personalmente al ex asistente de Kennedy e historiador estadounidense Arthur Schlesinger, pero no hizo ninguna declaración pública.

Los participantes dijeron más tarde que en un momento, Castro leyó en voz alta un memorando que alguna vez fue secreto a Kennedy sobre su propia visita a los Estados Unidos como el nuevo líder de Cuba en 1959.

"Sería un grave error subestimar a este hombre", leyó Castro con una sonrisa, dijo Thomas Blanton, del Archivo de Seguridad Nacional de la Universidad George Washington.

"Con toda su apariencia de ingenuidad, falta de sofisticación e ignorancia en muchos asuntos, es claramente una personalidad fuerte y un líder nato de gran coraje y convicción personal", leyó Castro, según Blanton. mejor que antes Castro sigue siendo un enigma '' '.

Blanton dijo que Castro le dijo al grupo que creía que el objetivo real de la invasión no era provocar un levantamiento contra su gobierno, sino preparar el escenario para una intervención estadounidense en Cuba. Blanton dijo que un miembro del ex equipo de exiliados, Alfredo Durán, estuvo de acuerdo.

Entre los documentos recientemente desclasificados sobre el evento del 17 al 19 de abril de 1961 se encontraba la primera declaración escrita conocida de la Agencia Central de Inteligencia (noticias - sitios web) en la que se pedía el asesinato de Castro.

En un documento publicado el jueves en relación con la conferencia, el líder soviético Nikita Khrushchev advirtió a Kennedy en una carta enviada el día después de que comenzara la invasión que la "pequeña guerra" en Cuba "podría desencadenar una reacción en cadena en todas partes del mundo. ''

Jruschov hizo un "llamado urgente" a Kennedy para que ponga fin a la `` agresión '' contra Cuba y dijo que su país estaba preparado para brindarle a Cuba "toda la ayuda necesaria" para repeler el ataque.

Formada por la CIA en Guatemala, la Brigada 2506 estaba compuesta por unos 1.500 exiliados decididos a derrocar al gobierno de Castro, que había tomado el poder 28 meses antes.

La invasión de tres días fracasó. Sin el apoyo aéreo de EE. UU. Y sin municiones, se capturaron más de 1.000 invasores. Otros 100 invasores y 151 defensores murieron.

Blanton calificó la conferencia como "una victoria sobre una amarga historia".

Otras figuras estadounidenses clave que asistieron fueron Robert Reynolds, el jefe de la estación de la CIA en Miami durante la invasión; Wayne Smith, entonces diplomático estadounidense destinado en La Habana; y Richard Goodwin, otro asistente de Kennedy, quien con Schlesinger consideró la invasión poco aconsejable.

Del lado del gobierno cubano estaban el vicepresidente José Ramón Fernández, un general retirado que dirigió las tropas de defensa en la playa conocida aquí como Playa Girón, y muchos otros militares retirados.

Antiguos enemigos que lucharon entre sí hace 40 años han vuelto a visitar juntos el sitio de una de las batallas clave de la Guerra Fría, Bahía de Cochinos en el sur de Cuba.

La visita fue la culminación de una conferencia de tres días diseñada para investigar las causas del conflicto, qué salió tan mal para las fuerzas respaldadas por Estados Unidos y las lecciones que se pueden aprender de él.

Entre los participantes se encontraban historiadores tanto de Cuba como de Estados Unidos, Arthur Schlesinger y Richard Goodwin, ambos ex asesores del entonces presidente de Estados Unidos, John Kennedy, soldados de ambos bandos y el propio presidente Fidel Castro.

Durante los dos primeros días en La Habana se intercambiaron documentos previamente clasificados.

En los periódicos cubanos había transcripciones de las comunicaciones telefónicas entre el presidente Castro y sus comandantes militares durante la batalla.

Mostraron lo involucrado que estaba, la tensión del momento y la alegría cuando, después de más de 60 horas de lucha, se hizo evidente que la invasión había sido derrotada.

Los documentos estadounidenses trazan en detalle la humillación sentida por la naturaleza de la derrota y la vergüenza causada al presidente Kennedy.

Un periódico del Departamento de Estado culpa directamente de la debacle a la CIA, que entrenó a la fuerza de invasión.

Decía: "La causa fundamental del desastre fue que la Agencia no le dio al proyecto, a pesar de su importancia y su inmenso potencial de daño a los Estados Unidos, el manejo de alto nivel que requería".

Añadió: "Hubo un fracaso en los altos niveles para concentrar un escrutinio informado e inquebrantable sobre el proyecto".

A raíz de la misión fallida, otro periódico estadounidense expone los primeros planes para desestabilizar al gobierno cubano, un plan que se conoció como Operación Mangosta.

Esto incluyó una serie de planes extraños, incluido uno para poner polvo en los zapatos de Fidel Castro para hacer que se le cayera la barba y otro que incluía la explosión de puros.

El documento sugirió que el comandante más eficaz de tal operación sería el entonces fiscal general, el hermano del presidente, Robert Kennedy.

Entre los que buscaban respuestas en Cuba se encontraba la hermana de Kennedy, Jean Kennedy Smith.

Caminando por las playas de Bahía de Cochinos, dijo que la conferencia había sido un gran impulso para ayudar a traer la paz entre Cuba y Estados Unidos.

Otro de los delegados de Estados Unidos fue Alfredo Durán, uno de los invasores hace 40 años.

Se enfrentó al hombre al que intentó derrocar, Fidel Castro, así como a otros defensores cubanos.

De pie en la playa dijo: "Este ha sido un momento muy emotivo, sobre todo al discutir con el coronel a cargo del operativo los intensos combates que se desarrollaron en este lugar".

Las playas a lo largo de la Bahía de Cochinos en el sur de Cuba ahora están llenas de hamacas y pasadas por alto por hoteles de lujo.

Pero hay mucho para recordar al visitante que este fue el escenario de una batalla importante ... como lo ven los cubanos la victoria de un pequeño país contra un opresor imperialista.

Para los estadounidenses fue una derrota humillante que ayudó a moldear su estrategia de Guerra Fría para la próxima generación y su política hacia Cuba hasta ahora ...

Se habló mucho en la conferencia de cómo el presidente Kennedy se mostró reacio a respaldar la invasión.

Uno de sus exasesores que llegó a La Habana, Arthur Schlesinger, dijo que el presidente se sentía obligado a seguir adelante ya que había heredado el plan de la anterior administración de Eisenhower.

"Lo desaconsejé", dijo Schlesinger, "pero mi consejo no fue escuchado".

A raíz de la fallida invasión, todas las esperanzas de reconciliación con Estados Unidos murieron y el presidente Castro se acercó al campo soviético.

La tensión aumentó, culminando al año siguiente con la crisis de los misiles cubanos cuando la Unión Soviética intentó colocar misiles nucleares en Cuba, apuntando a Estados Unidos.


Obituario de Richard N. Goodwin

Richard "Dick" Naradof Goodwin fue autor, dramaturgo y exasesor político y redactor de discursos en la Casa Blanca de los presidentes John F. Kennedy y Lyndon B. Johnson, y del senador Robert F. Kennedy, murió pacíficamente después de un breve ataque de cáncer el domingo. la noche del 20 de mayo en su casa, rodeado de su familia y amigos. Tenía 86 años.

Goodwin elaboró ​​lo que se considera ampliamente como algunos de los discursos presidenciales más importantes e influyentes en la historia de Estados Unidos, incluidos los discursos de Lyndon Johnson sobre los derechos civiles "We Shall Overcome" y Great Society, los discursos latinoamericanos de John F. Kennedy y los discursos de Robert Kennedy " "Onda de esperanza" en Sudáfrica en 1966.

Goodwin fue autor de cuatro libros, entre ellos The American Condition, Promises To Keep: A Call For A New American Revolution y sus memorias, Remembering America: A Voice From The Sixties, que se volvió a publicar en formato de libro electrónico en julio. 2014. Remembering America es una historia inspiradora que evoca las esperanzas, los sueños y los ideales de una década extraordinaria y turbulenta.

En Remembering America, el Sr. Goodwin relató su experiencia como abogado especial del Subcomité de Supervisión Legislativa de la Cámara de Representantes de los Estados Unidos, durante el cual llevó a cabo la ya conocida investigación del escándalo del Twenty One Quiz Show. Su historia fue la base de la película de 1994 de Robert Redford, Quiz Show, y fue interpretado por el actor Rob Morrow, ganador del Globo de Oro®. Quiz Show fue nominado a cuatro Premios de la Academia®, incluida la Mejor Película, y cuatro Premios Globo de Oro®.

El Sr. Goodwin fue autor de una obra de teatro, muchos artículos para The New Yorker y Rolling Stone y numerosos editoriales para The New York Times, The Boston Globe y Los Angeles Times, entre otros. A menudo se le pedía que ofreciera reflexiones y análisis para documentales, artículos y libros sobre las administraciones de Kennedy y Johnson.

Su obra The Hinge of the World es un fascinante drama sobre la confrontación entre Galileo Galilei y el Papa Urbano VIII, que fue publicado por Farrar Straus & Giroux, y representado como una producción teatral internacionalmente en el Teatro Yvonne Arnaud de Guildford, Inglaterra, y en el Huntington Theatre de Boston, donde fue rebautizado como Two Men of Florence. La obra ha sido adaptada por la guionista Alyssa Hill para un largometraje actualmente en desarrollo en Gulfstream Pictures, con sede en Warner Bros.

El Sr. Goodwin se graduó summa cum laude de la Universidad de Tufts y la Facultad de Derecho de Harvard. Recibió el prestigioso Diploma Fay de la Facultad de Derecho de Harvard. El Sr. Goodwin se desempeñó como secretario legal del juez asociado de la Corte Suprema de los Estados Unidos, Felix Frankfurter, antes de ser nombrado asesor especial del Subcomité de Supervisión Legislativa de la Cámara de Representantes de los Estados Unidos.

Goodwin, con solo 29 años, ingresó a la Casa Blanca como asistente del presidente John F. Kennedy, habiendo viajado primero con el entonces candidato presidencial Kennedy y escribiendo discursos para su campaña. Después de la elección de Kennedy, el Sr. Goodwin se desempeñó como Asesor Especial Adjunto del Presidente y como especialista clave en el Grupo de Trabajo del Presidente Kennedy sobre asuntos latinoamericanos, originando la Alianza para el Progreso y reuniéndose en secreto con el Che Guevara en Uruguay en agosto de 1961. El Sr. Goodwin también se desempeñó como Subsecretario de Estado Adjunto para Asuntos Interamericanos y fue Secretario General del International Peace Corps.

Después del asesinato del presidente Kennedy, el Sr. Goodwin se desempeñó como asistente especial del presidente Lyndon B. Johnson, donde formuló el concepto de la Gran Sociedad y redactó muchos de los principales discursos y mensajes del presidente Johnson relacionados con los derechos civiles. El presidente Johnson le pidió al Sr. Goodwin que escribiera su histórico discurso de derechos civiles de 1965, que llegó a ser conocido como el discurso "Veremos" que pronunció el presidente Johnson el 15 de marzo de 1965 en la sesión conjunta del Congreso de los Estados Unidos. Este discurso fue la piedra angular del progreso de los derechos de voto y la Ley de Derechos de Voto de 1965 que el presidente Johnson firmó cinco meses después.

El "arquetípico New Frontiersman" es como Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr. describió en Mr. Goodwin en su libro A Thousand Days. Goodwin fue el generalista supremo que pudo pasar de América Latina a salvar los Monumentos del Nilo, desde los derechos civiles hasta la planificación de una cena en la Casa Blanca para los ganadores del Premio Nobel, desde componer una parodia de Norman Mailer hasta redactar un proyecto de ley, desde almorzar con un juez de la Corte Suprema a cenar con Jean Seberg, y al mismo tiempo mantener un espíritu insaciable de liberalismo sardónico y un impulso incesante por hacer las cosas ".

Goodwin renunció a la Casa Blanca en 1966 y se unió al Movimiento Anti-Guerra de Estados Unidos. Dirigió brevemente la campaña presidencial de Eugene McCarthy en New Hampshire y Wisconsin, y escribió discursos para el candidato presidencial Edmund S. Muskie, antes de unirse a la campaña presidencial del senador Robert F. Kennedy. Goodwin estaba con el senador Kennedy en Los Ángeles cuando fue asesinado en 1968. Goodwin ayudó a redactar el discurso de concesión presidencial del vicepresidente Al Gore en 2000.

El Sr. Goodwin recibió muchos premios y honores, incluido el honor estadounidense distinguido de la Biblioteca John F. Kennedy, el Premio al Liderazgo Público del Instituto Aspen y títulos honoríficos de la Universidad de Tufts, UMass Lowell y Hebrew Union College.

El Sr. Goodwin estaba trabajando en su próximo libro. Vivía en Concord, Massachusetts, con su esposa durante 42 años, la historiadora presidencial y autora ganadora del premio Pulitzer Doris Kearns Goodwin, con quien tiene dos hijos, Michael y Joseph. El Sr. Goodwin tiene un hijo, Richard, de un matrimonio anterior. Los Goodwin tienen dos nietas, Willa y Lena.

Familiares y amigos se reunirán para honrar y recordar al Sr. Goodwin el viernes 15 de junio a las 12 pm en la Primera Parroquia en Concord, 20 Lexington Road, Concord, MA

La bandera de la ciudad de Concord ondeará a media asta el viernes 15 de junio en honor al servicio del Sr. Goodwin a su país en el Ejército de los Estados Unidos.


Carrera [editar | editar fuente]

Carrera temprana [editar | editar fuente]

Después de trabajar para el juez Felix Frankfurter de la Corte Suprema de los Estados Unidos, Goodwin se convirtió en abogado del Comité de Comercio Interestatal y Exterior de la Cámara de Representantes, donde Goodwin estuvo involucrado en la investigación de escándalos de programas de preguntas y respuestas, en particular el Veinte uno escándalo. & # 912 & # 93 & # 917 & # 93 Este asunto proporcionó la historia de la película de 1994 Concurso de televisión, en la que Goodwin fue interpretado por el actor Rob Morrow. & # 912 & # 93

Administración Kennedy [editar | editar fuente]

Goodwin se unió al personal de redacción de discursos de John F. Kennedy en 1959. & # 915 & # 93 El redactor de discursos de Kennedy, Ted Sorensen, se convirtió en mentor de Goodwin. & # 914 & # 93 Goodwin era uno de los miembros más jóvenes & # 918 & # 93 del grupo de "New Frontiersmen" que asesoraba a Kennedy, otros incluían a Fred Dutton, Ralph Dungan, Kenneth O'Donnell y Harris Wofford, todos los cuales estaban bajo 37 años. & # 919 & # 93

En 1961, después de que Kennedy asumió la presidencia, Goodwin se convirtió en asesor especial adjunto del presidente y miembro del Grupo de Trabajo sobre Asuntos Latinoamericanos. Más tarde ese mismo año, Kennedy lo nombró subsecretario adjunto de Estado para Asuntos Interamericanos. Goodwin ocupó este cargo hasta 1963. Según los informes, Goodwin se opuso a la invasión de Bahía de Cochinos, tratando infructuosamente de persuadir a Kennedy de que no ordenara la operación. & # 913 & # 93 En agosto de 1961, Goodwin formó parte de una delegación encabezada por el secretario del Tesoro de Estados Unidos, Douglas Dillon, que fue enviada a Uruguay para asistir a una conferencia de ministros de finanzas latinoamericanos. & # 9110 & # 93 & # 9111 & # 93 El tema en discusión fue la Alianza para el Progreso, que contó con el respaldo de los representantes de todos los países excepto el representante cubano Che Guevera. Sin embargo, Guevera no tenía intenciones de irse a casa con las manos vacías, notó que Goodwin fumaba puros durante las reuniones y, a través de un intermediario, lo desafió, sugiriendo que no se atrevería a fumar un puro cubano. Goodwin aceptó el desafío y, posteriormente, llegó un obsequio de puros en una elaborada caja de caoba pulida de Guevera. Guevera expresó su deseo de hablar informalmente con Goodwin, y Goodwin recibió el permiso del secretario del Tesoro, Dillon. Sin embargo, durante el último día de la conferencia, Guevera tuvo palabras críticas para la prensa acerca de la Alianza para el Progreso, y ser el único representante en hacerlo, hablando apasionadamente sobre el tema, estaba eclipsando a los empresarios, rayados, antiguos. -Banquero de Wall-Street Dillon. Dillon se retractó de su acuerdo para la reunión de Guevera y Goodwin. Sin embargo, Guevera perseveró y Goodwin accedió a escuchar, pero enfatizó que no tenía un poder de negociación real. & # 9110 & # 93

Más tarde esa noche, en una fiesta, los funcionarios brasileños y argentinos actuaron como intermediarios, se presentaron a Guevera y Goodwin, y se dirigieron a una sala separada para que pudieran hablar. En broma, Guevera "agradeció" a Goodwin por la invasión de Bahía de Cochinos que había ocurrido solo unos meses antes, ya que solo había solidificado el apoyo a Castro. El hielo se rompió y los dos idealistas, ambos a los pocos años de cumplir los 30 y sentados casi rodilla con rodilla, hablaron durante la noche. Aunque entendieron que sus países no estaban destinados a ser aliados amistosos, se concentraron en lo que podían lograr por el bien de la paz. Goodwin encontró a Guevera muy abierta y honesta. En última instancia, llegaron a la conclusión no vinculante de que si Cuba estuviera dispuesta a desistir de formar alianzas militares con la URSS, ni a intentar ayudar a revolucionarios en otros países latinoamericanos, Estados Unidos estaría dispuesto a dejar de intentar derrocar a Castro por la fuerza y ​​levantar el poder. embargo comercial a Cuba y viceversa. Acordaron revelar su conversación solo a sus respectivos líderes, Castro y Kennedy. & # 9110 & # 93

Después de regresar de Uruguay, Goodwin escribió un memorando para Kennedy sobre la reunión, & # 912 & # 93, donde declaró lo exitoso que fue al convencer a Guevara de que era miembro de la "nueva generación" de Guevara y cómo Guevara también le envió otro mensaje a Goodwin. donde describió su encuentro como "bastante rentable". & # 9112 & # 93 Si bien la reunión provocó un "furor político menor", & # 913 & # 93 el presidente Kennedy quedó finalmente satisfecho con el resultado de los esfuerzos de Goodwin, y fue el primero en fumar uno de los puros cubanos de contrabando que Goodwin había traído. "'¿Están ellos bien?' preguntó el presidente. 'Son los mejores', respondió Goodwin, lo que llevó a Kennedy a abrir de inmediato el regalo de Guevera y probar una de las habanas ". & # 9110 & # 93 Goodwin también realizó un trabajo importante en la Casa Blanca de Kennedy para reubicar los monumentos egipcios antiguos que estaban amenazados de destrucción en la construcción de la presa de Asuán, incluidos los templos de Abu Simbel. & # 913 & # 93 El historiador Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr., en su libro Mil días: John F. Kennedy en la Casa Blanca, llamó a Goodwin "el generalista supremo" que podía:

Pasar de América Latina a salvar los Monumentos del Nilo, de los derechos civiles a planificar una cena en la Casa Blanca para los ganadores del Premio Nobel, de componer una parodia de Norman Mailer a redactar un proyecto de ley, de almorzar con un juez de la Corte Suprema a cenar con [la actriz] Jean Seberg, y al mismo tiempo conservan un espíritu insaciable de liberalismo sardónico y un impulso incesante por hacer las cosas ". & # 912 & # 93

Administración de Johnson [editar | editar fuente]

Goodwin en 1965 (izquierda), con Bill Moyers y el presidente Johnson en la Oficina Oval.

De 1963 a 1964, Goodwin se desempeñó como secretario general del Secretariado del Cuerpo de Paz Internacional. & # 915 & # 93 En 1964, se convirtió en asistente especial del presidente en la administración de Lyndon B. Johnson. & # 915 & # 93 Goodwin ha recibido el crédito de nombrar la agenda legislativa de Johnson como "la Gran Sociedad", un término utilizado por primera vez por Johnson en un discurso de mayo de 1964. & # 912 & # 93 Aunque Goodwin contribuyó a un discurso para Johnson delineando el programa, & # 913 & # 93 Bill Moyers, otro asesor de Johnson, fue el autor principal del discurso. & # 9115 & # 93

Goodwin escribió discursos para Johnson reaccionando al Domingo Sangriento, la violenta represión policial de manifestantes de derechos civiles en el puente Edmund Pettus (1965) & # 912 & # 93 y pidiendo la aprobación de la Ley de Derechos Electorales de 1965. & # 913 & # 93 Goodwin fue también uno de los escritores del Discurso del Día de Afirmación de Robert F. Kennedy (1966), el discurso de "onda de esperanza" en el que Kennedy denunció el apartheid en Sudáfrica. & # 913 & # 93 Goodwin fue una figura clave en la creación de Alliance for Progress, un programa estadounidense para estimular el desarrollo económico en América Latina, & # 915 & # 93 y escribió un importante discurso para Johnson sobre el tema. & # 913 & # 93

Carrera tras gobierno [editar | editar fuente]

En septiembre de 1965, Goodwin renunció a su cargo en la Casa Blanca debido a su desilusión con la guerra de Vietnam. & # 912 & # 93 Después de su partida, Goodwin continuó escribiendo discursos para Johnson ocasionalmente, siendo el último el Discurso sobre el estado de la Unión de 1966. & # 916 & # 93 En 1975, Tiempo La revista informó que Goodwin había renunciado después de que Johnson, que quería expulsar a personas cercanas a Robert F. Kennedy de la Casa Blanca, le pidiera al director del FBI, J. Edgar Hoover, que lo investigara. & # 9116 & # 93 El año siguiente, Goodwin se unió públicamente al movimiento contra la guerra, publicando Triunfo o tragedia, un libro crítico de la guerra. También publicó artículos en los que criticaba las acciones de la administración Johnson en Vietnam en El neoyorquino bajo un seudónimo. & # 912 & # 93 Después de dejar el gobierno, Goodwin ocupó cargos docentes; fue miembro del Centro de Estudios Avanzados de la Wesleyan University en Middletown, Connecticut, de 1965 a 1967 y fue profesor invitado de asuntos públicos en el Instituto de Tecnología de Massachusetts en 1968. & # 912 & # 93 # 913 & # 93 & # 915 & # 93 En 1968, Goodwin participó brevemente en la campaña presidencial de Eugene McCarthy, & # 912 & # 93 dirigiendo la campaña de McCarthy en las primarias de New Hampshire, en las que McCarthy ganó casi el 42% de los votos, que se consideró una victoria moral sobre Johnson. & # 913 & # 93 Goodwin dejó la campaña de McCarthy y trabajó para el senador Robert F. Kennedy después de entrar en la carrera. & # 912 & # 93 Goodwin se desempeñó brevemente como editor político de Piedra rodante en 1974. & # 9117 & # 93 Escribió unas memorias, Recordando América: una voz de los años sesenta (1988). & # 913 & # 93 En 2000, contribuyó con algunas líneas al discurso de concesión que Al Gore escribió con su principal redactor de discursos, Eli Attie, tras la controvertida decisión de la Corte Suprema en Bush contra Gore. Α] ⎞]

Su trabajo fue publicado en El neoyorquino y escribió numerosos libros, artículos y obras de teatro. En 2003, el Teatro Yvonne Arnaud en Guildford, Inglaterra, produjo su nuevo trabajo La bisagra del mundo, que tomó como tema el conflicto del siglo XVII entre Galileo Galilei y el Vaticano. & # 9119 & # 93 Retitulado Dos hombres de Florencia (refiriéndose a Galileo y su adversario, el Papa Urbano VIII, quien como el cardenal Maffeo Barberini había sido el mentor de Galileo), la obra hizo su debut en Estados Unidos en el Huntington Theatre de Boston en marzo de 2009. & # 9120 & # 93.


"La gran sociedad": un borrador de un redactor de discursos

Un borrador del discurso que Richard N. Goodwin escribió en 1964 describiendo la agenda legislativa distintiva de Lyndon B. Johnson, "la Gran Sociedad".

"Dick Goodwin fue un león del liberalismo antes de que se convirtiera en una mala palabra, redactando discursos para íconos demócratas que definen la política y el progresismo del siglo XXI", dijo Mark K. Updegrove, presidente y director ejecutivo de la Fundación LBJ, en un comunicado. Email. “Su discurso 'We Shall Overcome', la súplica de LBJ a favor de la Ley de Derechos Electorales a raíz del 'Domingo Sangriento' de Selma, que resultó en la acción directa de un Congreso antes reacio, se ubica como uno de los discursos presidenciales más elocuentes y efectivos de la historia . "

El Sr. Goodwin ayudó a redactar la histórica Ley de Derechos Electorales de 1965, que prohibió las pruebas de alfabetización y otras prácticas discriminatorias que durante mucho tiempo habían privado de sus derechos a los estadounidenses negros. Durante un tiempo, como el Sr. Goodwin recordó más tarde, creyó profundamente en Johnson debido a su trabajo por los derechos civiles y las reformas sociales.

Pero a medida que crecía la participación de la administración en Vietnam, Goodwin se fue en 1965 y comenzó a escribir y hablar en contra de la guerra. En 1968, después de que Johnson anunció que no buscaría la reelección, Goodwin se convirtió en asesor y redactor de discursos en las campañas presidenciales demócratas de los senadores Robert F. Kennedy de Nueva York y Eugene McCarthy de Minnesota, ambos acérrimos oponentes de la guerra.

Goodwin estaba con Robert Kennedy en Los Ángeles cuando el senador, después de ganar las primarias de California, fue asesinado a tiros por un asesino. Entonces fue el redactor de discursos de McCarthy, hasta que los demócratas nominaron al vicepresidente Hubert H. Humphrey en una convención de Chicago eclipsada por enfrentamientos entre la policía y los manifestantes pacifistas.

Brillante, intenso, a veces abrasivo, el señor Goodwin tenía el aspecto de un profesor arrugado. Fumaba puros grandes, prefería los cuellos de tortuga y las chaquetas de pana y tenía el pelo largo y desgreñado. Su voz era ronca y levemente arrastrada, su rostro áspero, con cejas gris plateado que se alzaban diabólicamente.

Enseñó en Wesleyan University y en el Massachusetts Institute of Technology y escribió para Rolling Stone, The New Yorker, The New York Times y otras publicaciones. Sus libros incluyen "La semilla del sembrador: Un tributo a Adlai Stevenson" (1965), "Triumph or Tragedy: Reflections on Vietnam" (1966), "The American Condition" (1974) y "Promises to Keep: A Call for a New Revolución Americana ”(1992).

Sus memorias, "Recordando Estados Unidos: una voz de los sesenta" (1988), suscitó controversia con una descripción del presidente Johnson como errático, aislado, incluso paranoico. Algunos que habían conocido a Johnson cuestionaron las conclusiones del Sr. Goodwin. Los críticos elogiaron su apasionada evaluación liberal de la época, pero dijeron que ignoró muchas reevaluaciones académicas y políticas de la década de 1960.

Richard Naradof Goodwin nació en Boston el 7 de diciembre de 1931, uno de los dos hijos de Joseph y Belle Fisher Goodwin. Dick y su hermano menor, Herbert, crecieron en Brookline. Dick fue el primero en su clase en la Universidad de Tufts, graduándose en 1953, y en la clase de 1958 de la Facultad de Derecho de Harvard. Fue secretario del juez asociado Felix Frankfurter de la Corte Suprema durante un año. Su hermano, juez de la corte de distrito de Massachusetts en Brookline durante muchos años, murió en 2015.

En 1958 se casó con Sandra Leverant, con quien tuvo un hijo, Richard. Murió en 1972. Se casó con Doris Kearns en 1975. Tuvieron dos hijos, Michael y Joseph. Además de su esposa e hijos, le sobreviven dos nietas.

En 1959, Goodwin se unió al personal de un subcomité de la Cámara que investigaba programas de televisión manipulados. Parte de "Remembering America" ​​se centró en los escándalos y fue la base de la película de 1994 "Quiz Show", que ayudó a producir. Su trabajo impresionó a Robert Kennedy y fue alistado para el personal del senador John Kennedy. Él y Theodore C. Sorensen escribieron la mayoría de los discursos de la campaña presidencial de Kennedy.

La obra de Goodwin, "La bisagra del mundo", sobre la lucha durante la Inquisición entre el Papa Urbano VIII y Galileo, quien fue acusado de herejía por argumentar que la tierra no era el centro del universo, tuvo su estreno en Guildford. Inglaterra, en 2003. Se produjo en Boston en 2009 como "Two Men of Florence".

"El talento de Richard Goodwin como dramaturgo fue único", dijo Edward Hall, quien dirigió ambas producciones de la obra, en un correo electrónico. “Tenía la rara habilidad de tomar grandes ideas y convertirlas en drama humano. Estar en una sala de ensayo con Richard seguirá siendo un punto culminante de mi carrera. Sus personajes fueron enriquecidos por un autor que combinó la experiencia de toda una vida trabajando cerca del poder, con una profunda comprensión y cuidado de la humanidad ".

El discurso de concesión presidencial de Al Gore en 2000, escrito por Goodwin, citó la concesión del senador Stephen Douglas a Abraham Lincoln en las elecciones presidenciales de 1860: "El sentimiento partidista debe ceder ante el patriotismo".

El discurso del Sr. Gore continuó: “Así como luchamos duro cuando hay mucho en juego, cerramos filas y nos unimos cuando termina la competencia. Y aunque habrá tiempo suficiente para debatir nuestras continuas diferencias, ahora es el momento de reconocer que lo que nos une es más grande que lo que nos divide. Si bien todavía mantenemos y no cedemos a nuestras creencias opuestas, existe un deber más alto que el que le debemos a los partidos políticos. Esto es Estados Unidos, y anteponemos al país a la fiesta, nos mantendremos unidos detrás de nuestro nuevo presidente ”.


Richard N. Goodwin, ex redactor de discursos de Kennedys, LBJ, muere a los 86 años

INFORME DESDE NUEVA YORK - Richard N. Goodwin, asistente, redactor de discursos y fuerza liberal de los Kennedy y Lyndon Johnson que ayudó a redactar discursos históricos como "ondas de esperanza" de Robert Kennedy y los discursos de LBJ sobre los derechos civiles y la Gran Sociedad, murió el domingo tarde a los 86 años.

Goodwin, the husband of Pulitzer Prize-winning historian Doris Kearns Goodwin, died at his home in Concord, Mass. According to his wife, he died after a brief bout with cancer.

Goodwin was among the youngest members of President Kennedy's inner circle and among the last survivors. Brilliant and contentious, with thick eyebrows and a mess of wavy-curly hair, the cigar-smoking Goodwin rose from a working-class background to the Kennedy White House before he had turned 30. He was a Boston native and Harvard Law graduate who specialized in broad, inspirational rhetoric — top JFK speechwriter Theodore Sorensen was a mentor — that "would move men to action or alliance."

Thriving during an era when few feared to be called "liberal," Goodwin also worked on some of Lyndon Johnson's most memorable domestic policy initiatives, including his celebrated "We Shall Overcome" speech. But he differed with the president about Vietnam, left the administration after 1965 and would later contend — to much debate — that Johnson may have been clinically paranoid. Increasingly impassioned through the latter half of the '60s, he co-wrote what many regard as then- Sen. Robert Kennedy's greatest speech, his address in South Africa in 1966. Kennedy bluntly attacked the racist apartheid system, praised protest movements worldwide and said those who speak and act against injustice send "forth a tiny ripple of hope."

Goodwin's opposition to the Vietnam conflict led him to write speeches in 1968 for Kennedy and to manage the presidential campaign for antiwar candidate Sen. Eugene McCarthy. But McCarthy faded, Kennedy ("My best and last friend in politics," Goodwin wrote) was assassinated and Republican Richard Nixon was elected president. Goodwin never worked for another administration, although he and his wife were fixtures in the Democratic Party and he continued to comment on current affairs for Rolling Stone, the New Yorker and other publications. In 2000, he was called upon for one of the least glamorous jobs in speechwriting history: Al Gore's concession to George W. Bush after a deadlocked race that ended with a 5-4 Supreme Court decision in Bush's favor.

Goodwin was admired for his rare blend of poetry and political savvy, and criticized for being all too aware of his talents. Even one of his supporters, historian and fellow Kennedy insider Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr., would say that he "probably lacked tact and finesse." But Schlesinger also regarded Goodwin as the "archetypal New Frontiersman" of JFK's brief presidency.

"Goodwin was the supreme generalist," Schlesinger wrote in his Pulitzer Prize-winning "A Thousand Days," published in 1965, "who could turn from Latin America to saving the Nile Monuments, from civil rights to planning a White House dinner for the Nobel Prize winners, from composing a parody of Norman Mailer to drafting a piece of legislation, from lunching with a Supreme Court Justice to dining with Jean Seberg — and at the same time retain an unquenchable spirit of sardonic liberalism and unceasing drive to get things done."

Richard Naradof Goodwin was born in Boston on Dec. 7, 1931, but spent part of his childhood in suburban Maryland, where he would recall being harassed and beaten because he was Jewish. His enemies only inspired him. He graduated summa cum laude from Tufts University, at the top his class from Harvard Law School, then clerked for Supreme Court Justice Felix Frankfurter, the first of a series of powerful men Goodwin worked under.

His road to Kennedy's "Camelot" began not with an election, but with the corruption of TV game shows. He was an investigator in the late '50s for the Legislative Oversight Subcommittee of the U.S. House of Representatives, which helped reveal that the popular "Twenty One" program was rigged. Goodwin's recollections were adapted into the 1994 film "Quiz Show," directed by Robert Redford and featuring Rob Morrow as Goodwin, who was one of the producers. "Quiz Show" received four Academy Award nominations, including for best picture, but was criticized for inflating Goodwin's role in uncovering the scandal.

His efforts were noticed by JFK, then a U.S. senator from Massachusetts and aspiring presidential candidate. Goodwin was hired to write speeches for the 1960 race, advised Kennedy for his landmark television debates with Nixon and held a number of positions in the administration, from assistant special counsel in the White House to an advisor on Latin America. When the president was assassinated in 1963, Goodwin took on a sensitive task — prodding the military to act upon Jacqueline Kennedy's wishes and place an eternal flame at the national cemetery in Arlington, Va.

Under Kennedy, Goodwin's most ambitious work may have been on the Alliance for Progress, a program of economic and social reforms meant to break the U.S. from its history of supporting dictators in Latin America. The Alliance was announced in March 1961 with a promise from Kennedy that the spirit would not be "an imperialism of force or fear but the rule of courage and freedom and hope for the future of man." In the long term, the alliance had mixed results, as support dropped among subsequent administrations. In the short run, it was overshadowed by an imperialist fiasco, the Bay of Pigs invasion, the failed U.S.-backed attempt in April 1961 to overthrow Cuba's socialist government, led by Fidel Castro.

Goodwin had questioned the plan, but still had to answer for it. Not long after the Bay of Pigs, he met with Castro ally and finance minister Ernesto "Che" Guevara, the two of them sitting on the floor of a hotel room in Montevideo, Uruguay. They were both in town for an Inter-American conference that was to ratify the alliance.

"But, of course, when we started this conversation though, he said, `Mr. Goodwin, I'd like to thank you for the Bay of Pigs,"' Goodwin recalled during a joint 2007 appearance with his wife at the John F. Kennedy library in Boston. "He said, `We were a pretty shaky middle class, support was uncertain, and this solidified everything for us.' So what could I say? I knew he was right."

After Kennedy's death, Goodwin was urged — implored — to stay on by the new president: "You're going to be my voice, my alter ego," Goodwin remembered Lyndon Johnson saying. There was constant tension between Johnson, a Texan, and the "Harvards" around Kennedy, but Goodwin initially had strong influence and was an essential shaper of LBJ's legacy. He was assigned key policy speeches, including the 1964 address at the University of Michigan, when Johnson outlined his domestic vision of a "Great Society." Johnson's 1965 civil rights speech to a joint session of Congress is among the most famous presidential orations in history. It was written by Goodwin — within hours, he alleged — in the wake of the bloody marches in Selma, Ala., and ended with an exhortation, drawing upon the language of the protest movement, that reportedly left the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. in tears.

"Their cause must be our cause too," Johnson said. "Because it is not just negroes, but all of us who must overcome the crippling legacy of bigotry and injustice. And we shall overcome."

Upon signing the Voting Rights Act in August 1965, Johnson gave the pen to Goodwin. But by then, LBJ had committed ground troops to Vietnam and Goodwin was personally and professionally estranged. He had become convinced, he later wrote, that "President Johnson's always large eccentricities had taken a huge leap into unreason."

"My conclusion is that President Johnson experienced certain episodes of what I believe to have been paranoid behavior," he wrote in "Remembering America," published in 1988. "I do not use this term to describe a medical diagnosis. I am not L.B.J.'s psychiatrist, nor am I qualified to be. I base my judgment purely on my observation of his conduct during the little more than two years I worked for him."

Goodwin's theory was widely debated. He was backed by Time magazine journalist Hugh Sidey, while former Johnson aide Jack Valenti said Goodwin was simply trying "to flog a book."

Goodwin was married for 14 years to Sandra Leverant, who died in 1972. Three years later, he married Doris Kearns, a former LBJ aide who became one of the country's most popular historians with such works as "Team of Rivals" and "No Ordinary Time." Goodwin had three children, one with his first wife and two with his second.

Goodwin's other books included "Triumph or Tragedy: Reflections on Vietnam," released shortly after he left the Johnson administration and "Promises to Keep." He also wrote a play, "The Hinge of the World" (later retitled "Two Men of Florence"), a drama about the clash between Galileo Galilei and Pope Urban VIII that reflected on the need to raise "poor, lowly creatures" from ignorance so they could "travel the Heavens."

"And how is this mighty liberation accomplished?" Goodwin wrote. "Not through holy text. By these hands, these eyes, this brain. The skull of a single being imprisons the power to unravel creation, to encompass and describe the entire world. Why, this teaches man they may regain our native, the dominion granted Adam in their days of innocence. Creatures who can accomplish this have such power, they are almost like Gods."


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Richard N. Goodwin, White House speech writer, dead at 86

In this Jan. 12, 1966, photo provided by the White House, President Lyndon B. Johnson prepares for his State of the Union address with, from left, Richard Goodwin, former presidential assistant called back from Wesleyan University to help on the speech, Jack Valenti and Joseph A. Califano, Jr. at the White House in Washington. Goodwin, an aide, speechwriter and liberal force for the Kennedys and Lyndon Johnson died Sunday, May 20, 2018, at his home in Concord, Mass. His wife, the historian Doris Kearns Goodwin, said he died after a brief bout with cancer. Associated Press

FILE - In this May 29, 2010, file photo, author Richard Goodwin receives a Doctor of Humane Letters honorary degree from Trustee Edward Collins during commencement ceremonies at UMass-Lowell at the Tsongas Center in Lowell, Mass. Former White House aide and speechwriter Goodwin has died. He died Sunday, May 20, 2018, at his home in Concord, Mass. His wife, the historian Doris Kearns Goodwin, said he died after a brief bout with cancer. Associated Press

NEW YORK -- Richard N. Goodwin, an aide, speechwriter and liberal force for the Kennedys and Lyndon Johnson who helped craft such historic addresses as Robert Kennedy's "ripples of hope" and LBJ's speeches on civil rights and "The Great Society," died Sunday evening at age 86.

Goodwin, the husband of Pulitzer Prize winning historian Doris Kearns Goodwin, died at his home in Concord, Massachusetts. According to his wife, he died after a brief bout with cancer.

Goodwin was among the youngest members of President John F. Kennedy's inner circle and among the last survivors. Brilliant and contentious, with thick eyebrows and a mess of wavy-curly hair, the cigar-smoking Goodwin rose from a working class background to the Kennedy White House before he had turned 30. He was a Boston native and Harvard Law graduate who specialized in broad, inspirational rhetoric - top JFK speechwriter Theodore Sorensen was a mentor - that "would move men to action or alliance."

Thriving during an era when few feared to be called "liberal," Goodwin also worked on some of Lyndon Johnson's most memorable domestic policy initiatives, including his celebrated "We Shall Overcome" speech. But he differed with the president about Vietnam, left the administration after 1965 and would later contend - to much debate - that Johnson may have been clinically paranoid. Increasingly impassioned through the latter half of the '60s, he co-wrote what many regard as then- Sen. Robert Kennedy's greatest speech, his address in South Africa in 1966. Kennedy bluntly attacked the racist apartheid system, praised protest movements worldwide and said those who speak and act against injustice send "forth a tiny ripple of hope."

Goodwin's opposition to the Vietnam conflict led him to write speeches in 1968 for Kennedy and to manage the presidential campaign for anti-war candidate Sen. Eugene McCarthy. But McCarthy faded, Kennedy ("My best and last friend in politics," Goodwin wrote) was assassinated and Republican Richard Nixon was elected president. Goodwin never worked for another administration, although he and his wife were fixtures in the Democratic Party and he continued to comment on current affairs for Rolling Stone, The New Yorker and other publications. In 2000, he was called upon for one of the least glamorous jobs in speechwriting history: Al Gore's concession to George W. Bush after a deadlocked race that ended with a 5-4 Supreme Court decision in Bush's favor.

Goodwin was admired for his rare blend of poetry and political savvy, and criticized for being all too aware of his talents. Even one of his supporters, historian and fellow Kennedy insider Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr., would say that he "probably lacked tact and finesse." But Schlesinger also regarded Goodwin as the "archetypal New Frontiersman" of JFK's brief presidency.

"Goodwin was the supreme generalist," Schlesinger wrote in his Pulitzer Prize-winning "A Thousand Days," published in 1965, "who could turn from Latin America to saving the Nile Monuments, from civil rights to planning a White House dinner for the Nobel Prize winners, from composing a parody of Norman Mailer to drafting a piece of legislation, from lunching with a Supreme Court Justice to dining with Jean Seberg - and at the same time retain an unquenchable spirit of sardonic liberalism and unceasing drive to get things done."

Richard Naradof Goodwin was born in Boston on Dec. 7, 1931, but spent part of his childhood in suburban Maryland, where he would recall being harassed and beaten because he was Jewish. His enemies only inspired him. He graduated summa cum laude from Tufts University, at the top his class from Harvard Law School, then clerked for Supreme Court Justice Felix Frankfurter, the first of a series of powerful men Goodwin worked under.

His road to Kennedy's "Camelot" began not with an election, but with the corruption of TV game shows. He was an investigator in the late '50s for the Legislative Oversight Subcommittee of the U.S. House of Representatives, which helped reveal that the popular "Twenty One" program was rigged. Goodwin's recollections were adapted into the 1994 film "Quiz Show," directed by Robert Redford and featuring Rob Morrow as Goodwin, who was one of the producers. "Quiz Show" received four Academy Award nominations, including for best picture, but was criticized for inflating Goodwin's role in uncovering the scandal.

His efforts were noticed by Kennedy, then a U.S. senator from Massachusetts and aspiring presidential candidate. Goodwin was hired to write speeches for the 1960 race, advised Kennedy for his landmark television debates with Nixon and held a number of positions in the administration, from assistant special counsel in the White House to an adviser on Latin America. When the president was assassinated in 1963, Goodwin took on a sensitive task - prodding the military to act upon Jacqueline Kennedy's wishes and place an eternal flame at the national cemetery in Arlington, Virginia.

Under Kennedy, Goodwin's most ambitious work may have been on the Alliance for Progress, a program of economic and social reforms meant to break the U.S. from its history of supporting dictators in Latin America. The Alliance was announced in March 1961 with a promise from Kennedy that the spirit would not be "an imperialism of force or fear but the rule of courage and freedom and hope for the future of man." In the long term, the alliance had mixed results, as support dropped among subsequent administrations. In the short run, it was overshadowed by an imperialist fiasco, the Bay of Pigs invasion, the failed U.S.-backed attempt in April 1961 to overthrow Cuba's socialist government, led by Fidel Castro.

Goodwin had questioned the plan, but still had to answer for it. Not long after the Bay of Pigs, he met with Castro ally and finance minister Ernesto "Che" Guevara, the two of them sitting on the floor of a hotel room in Monte Video, Uruguay. They were both in town for an Inter-American conference that was to ratify the alliance.

"But, of course, when we started this conversation though, he said, 'Mr. Goodwin, I'd like to thank you for the Bay of Pigs,'" Goodwin recalled during a joint 2007 appearance with his wife at the John F. Kennedy library in Boston. "He said, 'We were a pretty shaky middle class, support was uncertain, and this solidified everything for us.' So what could I say? I knew he was right."

After Kennedy's death, Goodwin was urged - implored - to stay on by the new president: "You're going to be my voice, my alter ego," Goodwin remembered Lyndon Johnson saying. There was constant tension between Johnson, a Texan, and the "Harvards" around Kennedy, but Goodwin initially had strong influence and was an essential shaper of LBJ's legacy. He was assigned key policy speeches, including the 1964 address at the University of Michigan, when Johnson outlined his domestic vision of a "Great Society." Johnson's 1965 civil rights speech to a joint session of Congress is among the most famous presidential orations in history. It was written by Goodwin - within hours, he alleged - in the wake of the bloody marches in Selma, Alabama, and ended with an exhortation, drawing upon the language of the protest movement, that reportedly left the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. in tears.

"Their cause must be our cause, too," Johnson said. "Because it is not just negroes, but all of us who must overcome the crippling legacy of bigotry and injustice. And we shall overcome."

Upon signing the Voting Rights Act in August 1965, Johnson gave the pen to Goodwin. But by then, LBJ had committed ground troops to Vietnam and Goodwin was personally and professionally estranged. He had become convinced, he later wrote, that "President Johnson's always large eccentricities had taken a huge leap into unreason."

"My conclusion is that President Johnson experienced certain episodes of what I believe to have been paranoid behavior," he wrote in "Remembering America," published in 1988. "I do not use this term to describe a medical diagnosis. I am not L.B.J.'s psychiatrist, nor am I qualified to be. I base my judgment purely on my observation of his conduct during the little more than two years I worked for him."

Goodwin's theory was widely debated. He was backed by Time magazine journalist Hugh Sidey, while former Johnson aide Jack Valenti said Goodwin was simply trying "to flog a book."

Goodwin was married for 14 years to Sandra Leverant, who died in 1972. Three years later, he married Doris Kearns, a former LBJ aide who became one of the country's most popular historians with such works as "Team of Rivals" and "No Ordinary Time." Goodwin had three children, one with his first wife and two with his second.

Goodwin's other books included "Triumph or Tragedy: Reflections on Vietnam," released shortly after he left the Johnson administration and "Promises to Keep." He also wrote a play, "The Hinge of the World" (later retitled "Two Men of Florence"), a drama about the clash between Galileo Galilei and Pope Urban VIII that reflected on the need to raise "poor, lowly creatures" from ignorance so they could "travel the Heavens."

"And how is this mighty liberation accomplished?" Goodwin wrote. "Not through holy text. By these hands, these eyes, this brain. The skull of a single being imprisons the power to unravel creation, to encompass and describe the entire world. Why, this teaches man they may regain our native, the dominion granted Adam in their days of innocence. Creatures who can accomplish this have such power, they are almost like Gods."


Richard N. Goodwin, White House speech writer, dead at 86

NEW YORK (AP) — Richard N. Goodwin, an aide, speechwriter and liberal force for the Kennedys and Lyndon Johnson who helped craft such historic addresses as Robert Kennedy’s “ripples of hope” and LBJ’s speeches on civil rights and “The Great Society,” died Sunday evening at age 86.

Goodwin, the husband of Pulitzer Prize winning historian Doris Kearns Goodwin, died at his home in Concord, Massachusetts. According to his wife, he died after a brief bout with cancer.

“It was the adventure of a lifetime to be married for 42 years to this incredible force of nature_the smartest, most interesting, most loving person I have ever known. How lucky I have been to have had him by my side as we built our family and our careers together surrounded by close friends in a community we love,” said Doris Kearns Goodwin.

Richard Goodwin was among the youngest members of President John F. Kennedy’s inner circle and among the last survivors. Brilliant and contentious, with thick eyebrows and a mess of wavy-curly hair, the cigar-smoking Goodwin rose from a working class background to the Kennedy White House before he had turned 30. He was a Boston native and Harvard Law graduate who specialized in broad, inspirational rhetoric — top JFK speechwriter Theodore Sorensen was a mentor — that “would move men to action or alliance.”

Thriving during an era when few feared to be called “liberal,” Goodwin also worked on some of Lyndon Johnson’s most memorable domestic policy initiatives, including his celebrated “We Shall Overcome” speech. But he differed with the president about Vietnam, left the administration after 1965 and would later contend — to much debate — that Johnson may have been clinically paranoid. Increasingly impassioned through the latter half of the ’60s, he co-wrote what many regard as then- Sen. Robert Kennedy’s greatest speech, his address in South Africa in 1966. Kennedy bluntly attacked the racist apartheid system, praised protest movements worldwide and said those who speak and act against injustice send “forth a tiny ripple of hope.”

Goodwin’s opposition to the Vietnam conflict led him to write speeches in 1968 for Kennedy and to manage the presidential campaign for anti-war candidate Sen. Eugene McCarthy. But McCarthy faded, Kennedy (“My best and last friend in politics,” Goodwin wrote) was assassinated and Republican Richard Nixon was elected president. Goodwin never worked for another administration, although he and his wife were fixtures in the Democratic Party and he continued to comment on current affairs for Rolling Stone, The New Yorker and other publications. In 2000, he was called upon for one of the least glamorous jobs in speechwriting history: Al Gore’s concession to George W. Bush after a deadlocked race that ended with a 5-4 Supreme Court decision in Bush’s favor.

Goodwin was admired for his rare blend of poetry and political savvy, and criticized for being all too aware of his talents. Even one of his supporters, historian and fellow Kennedy insider Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr., would say that he “probably lacked tact and finesse.” But Schlesinger also regarded Goodwin as the “archetypal New Frontiersman” of JFK’s brief presidency.

“Goodwin was the supreme generalist,” Schlesinger wrote in his Pulitzer Prize-winning “A Thousand Days,” published in 1965, “who could turn from Latin America to saving the Nile Monuments, from civil rights to planning a White House dinner for the Nobel Prize winners, from composing a parody of Norman Mailer to drafting a piece of legislation, from lunching with a Supreme Court Justice to dining with Jean Seberg — and at the same time retain an unquenchable spirit of sardonic liberalism and unceasing drive to get things done.”

Richard Naradof Goodwin was born in Boston on Dec. 7, 1931, but spent part of his childhood in suburban Maryland, where he would recall being harassed and beaten because he was Jewish. His enemies only inspired him. He graduated summa cum laude from Tufts University, at the top his class from Harvard Law School, then clerked for Supreme Court Justice Felix Frankfurter, the first of a series of powerful men Goodwin worked under.

His road to Kennedy’s “Camelot” began not with an election, but with the corruption of TV game shows. He was an investigator in the late ’50s for the Legislative Oversight Subcommittee of the U.S. House of Representatives, which helped reveal that the popular “Twenty One” program was rigged. Goodwin’s recollections were adapted into the 1994 film “Quiz Show,” directed by Robert Redford and featuring Rob Morrow as Goodwin, who was one of the producers. “Quiz Show” received four Academy Award nominations, including for best picture, but was criticized for inflating Goodwin’s role in uncovering the scandal.

His efforts were noticed by Kennedy, then a U.S. senator from Massachusetts and aspiring presidential candidate. Goodwin was hired to write speeches for the 1960 race, advised Kennedy for his landmark television debates with Nixon and held a number of positions in the administration, from assistant special counsel in the White House to an adviser on Latin America. When the president was assassinated in 1963, Goodwin took on a sensitive task — prodding the military to act upon Jacqueline Kennedy’s wishes and place an eternal flame at the national cemetery in Arlington, Virginia.

Under Kennedy, Goodwin’s most ambitious work may have been on the Alliance for Progress, a program of economic and social reforms meant to break the U.S. from its history of supporting dictators in Latin America. The Alliance was announced in March 1961 with a promise from Kennedy that the spirit would not be “an imperialism of force or fear but the rule of courage and freedom and hope for the future of man.” In the long term, the alliance had mixed results, as support dropped among subsequent administrations. In the short run, it was overshadowed by an imperialist fiasco, the Bay of Pigs invasion, the failed U.S.-backed attempt in April 1961 to overthrow Cuba’s socialist government, led by Fidel Castro.

Goodwin had questioned the plan, but still had to answer for it. Not long after the Bay of Pigs, he met with Castro ally and finance minister Ernesto “Che” Guevara, the two of them sitting on the floor of a hotel room in Monte Video, Uruguay. They were both in town for an Inter-American conference that was to ratify the alliance.

“But, of course, when we started this conversation though, he said, ‘Mr. Goodwin, I’d like to thank you for the Bay of Pigs,’” Goodwin recalled during a joint 2007 appearance with his wife at the John F. Kennedy library in Boston. “He said, ‘We were a pretty shaky middle class, support was uncertain, and this solidified everything for us.’ So what could I say? I knew he was right.”

After Kennedy’s death, Goodwin was urged — implored — to stay on by the new president: “You’re going to be my voice, my alter ego,” Goodwin remembered Lyndon Johnson saying. There was constant tension between Johnson, a Texan, and the “Harvards” around Kennedy, but Goodwin initially had strong influence and was an essential shaper of LBJ’s legacy. He was assigned key policy speeches, including the 1964 address at the University of Michigan, when Johnson outlined his domestic vision of a “Great Society.” Johnson’s 1965 civil rights speech to a joint session of Congress is among the most famous presidential orations in history. It was written by Goodwin — within hours, he alleged — in the wake of the bloody marches in Selma, Alabama, and ended with an exhortation, drawing upon the language of the protest movement, that reportedly left the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. in tears.

“Their cause must be our cause, too,” Johnson said. “Because it is not just negroes, but all of us who must overcome the crippling legacy of bigotry and injustice. And we shall overcome.”

Upon signing the Voting Rights Act in August 1965, Johnson gave the pen to Goodwin. But by then, LBJ had committed ground troops to Vietnam and Goodwin was personally and professionally estranged. He had become convinced, he later wrote, that “President Johnson’s always large eccentricities had taken a huge leap into unreason.”

“My conclusion is that President Johnson experienced certain episodes of what I believe to have been paranoid behavior,” he wrote in “Remembering America,” published in 1988. “I do not use this term to describe a medical diagnosis. I am not L.B.J.’s psychiatrist, nor am I qualified to be. I base my judgment purely on my observation of his conduct during the little more than two years I worked for him.”

Goodwin’s theory was widely debated. He was backed by Time magazine journalist Hugh Sidey, while former Johnson aide Jack Valenti said Goodwin was simply trying “to flog a book.”

Goodwin was married for 14 years to Sandra Leverant, who died in 1972. Three years later, he married Doris Kearns, a former LBJ aide who became one of the country’s most popular historians with such works as “Team of Rivals” and “No Ordinary Time.” Goodwin had three children, one with his first wife and two with his second.

Goodwin’s other books included “Triumph or Tragedy: Reflections on Vietnam,” released shortly after he left the Johnson administration and “Promises to Keep.” He also wrote a play, “The Hinge of the World” (later retitled “Two Men of Florence”), a drama about the clash between Galileo Galilei and Pope Urban VIII that reflected on the need to raise “poor, lowly creatures” from ignorance so they could “travel the Heavens.”

“And how is this mighty liberation accomplished?” Goodwin wrote. “Not through holy text. By these hands, these eyes, this brain. The skull of a single being imprisons the power to unravel creation, to encompass and describe the entire world. Why, this teaches man they may regain our native, the dominion granted Adam in their days of innocence. Creatures who can accomplish this have such power, they are almost like Gods.”


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Ver el vídeo: Richard Goodwin Easter Camp 2021 Message 3 (Junio 2022).


Comentarios:

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